The development of gait and mobility: Form and function in infant locomotion.

The development of locomotion can be described by its form (i.e., gait) and its function (i.e., mobility). Both aspects of locomotion improve with experience. Traditional treatises on infant locomotion focus on form by describing an orderly progression of postural and locomotor milestones en route to characteristic patterns of crawling and walking gait. We provide a traditional treatment of gait by describing developmental antecedents of and improvements in characteristic gait patterns, but we highlight important misconceptions inherent in the notion of "milestones". Most critically, we argue that the prevailing focus on gait and milestones fails to capture the true essence of locomotion-functional mobility to engage with the world. Thus, we also describe the development of mobility, including the use of mobility aids for support and propulsion. We illustrate how infants find individual solutions for mobility and how the ability to move cascades into other domains of development. Finally, we show how an integration of gait and mobility provides insights into the psychological processes that make locomotion functional. This article is categorized under: Psychology > Motor Skill and Performance Psychology > Development and Aging.

Self-recognition: From touching the body to knowing the self.

Recognizing oneself in a mirror is a classic test of self-concept. A new study has revealed the perceptual-motor foundations of conceptual self-knowledge: infants' success in the mirror test was accelerated after touching a tactile stimulus while viewing themselves in a mirror.

Comparing apples to manzanas and oranges to naranjas: A new measure of English-Spanish vocabulary for dual language learners.

The valid assessment of vocabulary development in dual-language-learning infants is critical to developmental science. We developed the Dual Language Learners English-Spanish (DLL-ES) Inventories to measure vocabularies of U.S. English-Spanish DLLs. The inventories provide translation equivalents for all Spanish and English items on Communicative Development Inventory (CDI) short forms; extended inventories based on CDI long forms; and Spanish language-variety options. Item-Response Theory analyses applied to Wordbank and Web-CDI data (n = 2603, 12-18 months; n = 6722, 16-36 months; half female; 1% Asian, 3% Black, 2% Hispanic, 30% White, 64% unknown) showed near-perfect associations between DLL-ES and CDI long-form scores. Interviews with 10 Hispanic mothers of 18- to 24-month-olds (2 White, 1 Black, 7 multi-racial; 6 female) provide a proof of concept for the value of the DLL-ES for assessing the vocabularies of DLLs.

Walking and falling: Using robot simulations to model the role of errors in infant walking.

What is the optimal penalty for errors in infant skill learning? Behavioral analyses indicate that errors are frequent but trivial as infants acquire foundational skills. In learning to walk, for example, falling is commonplace but appears to incur only a negligible penalty. Behavioral data, however, cannot reveal whether a low penalty for falling is beneficial for learning to walk. Here, we used a simulated bipedal robot as an embodied model to test the optimal penalty for errors in learning to walk. We trained the robot to walk using 12,500 independent simulations on walking paths produced by infants during free play and systematically varied the penalty for falling-a level of precision, control, and magnitude impossible with real infants. When trained with lower penalties for falling, the robot learned to walk farther and better on familiar, trained paths and better generalized its learning to novel, untrained paths. Indeed, zero penalty for errors led to the best performance for both learning and generalization. Moreover, the beneficial effects of a low penalty were stronger for generalization than for learning. Robot simulations corroborate prior behavioral data and suggest that a low penalty for errors helps infants learn foundational skills (e.g., walking, talking, and social interactions) that require immense flexibility, creativity, and adaptability. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: During infant skill acquisition, errors are commonplace but appear to incur a low penalty; when learning to walk, for example, falls are frequent but trivial. To test the optimal penalty for errors, we trained a simulated robot to walk using real infant paths and systematically manipulated the penalty for falling. Lower penalties in training led to better performance on familiar, trained paths and on novel untrained paths, and zero penalty was most beneficial. Benefits of a low penalty were stronger for untrained than for trained paths, suggesting that discounting errors facilitates acquiring skills that require immense flexibility and generalization.

How mothers help children learn to use everyday objects.

Children must learn specific motor actions to use everyday objects as their designers intended. However, designed actions are not obvious to children and often are difficult to implement. Children must know what actions to do and how to execute them. Previous work identified a protracted developmental progression in learning designed actions-from nondesigned exploratory actions, to display of the designed action, to successful implementation. Presumably, caregivers can help children to overcome the challenges in discovering and implementing designed actions. Mothers of 12-, 18- to 24-, and 30- to 36-month-olds (N = 74) were asked to teach their children to open containers with twist-off or pull-off lids. Mothers' manual and verbal input aligned with the developmental progression and with children's actions in the moment, pointing to the role of attuned social information in helping children learn to use objects for activities of daily living. However, mothers sometimes "overhelped" by implementing designed actions for children instead of getting children to do it themselves, highlighting the challenges of teaching novices difficult motor actions.

Pitfall or pratfall? Behavioral differences in infant learning from falling.

Researchers routinely infer learning and other unobservable psychological functions based on observable behavior. But what behavioral changes constitute evidence of learning? The standard approach is to infer learning based on a single behavior across individuals, including assumptions about the direction and magnitude of change (e.g., everyone should avoid falling repeatedly on a treacherous obstacle). Here we illustrate the benefits of an alternative "multiexpression, relativist, agnostic, individualized" approach. We assessed infant learning from falling based on multiple behaviors relative to each individual's baseline, agnostic about the direction and magnitude of behavioral change. We tested infants longitudinally (10.5-15 months of age) over the transition from crawling to walking. At each session, infants were repeatedly encouraged to crawl or walk over a fall-inducing foam pit interspersed with no-fall baseline trials on a rigid platform. Our approach revealed two learning profiles. Like adults in previous work, "pit-avoid" infants consistently avoided falling. In contrast, "pit-go" infants fell repeatedly across trials and sessions. However, individualized comparisons to baseline across multiple locomotor, exploratory, and social-emotional behaviors showed that pit-go infants also learned at every session. But they treated falling as an unimpactful "pratfall" rather than an aversive "pitfall." Pit-avoid infants displayed enhanced learning across sessions and partial transfer of learning from crawling to walking, whereas pit-go infants displayed neither. Thus, reliance on a predetermined, "one-size-fits-all" behavioral expression of a psychological function can obscure different behavioral profiles and lead to erroneous inferences. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Learning to Move in a Changing Body in a Changing World.

Infants of all species learn to move in the midst of tremendous variability and rapid developmental change. Traditionally, researchers consider variability to be a problem for development and skill acquisition. Here, we argue for a reconsideration of variability in early life, taking a developmental, ecological, systems approach. Using the development of walking in human infants as an example, we argue that the rich, variable experiences of infancy form the foundation for flexible, adaptive behavior in adulthood. From their first steps, infants must cope with changes in their bodies, skills, and environments. Rapid growth spurts and a continually expanding environment of surfaces, elevations, and obstacles alter the biomechanical constraints on balance and locomotion from day to day and moment to moment. Moreover, infants spontaneously generate a variable practice regimen for learning to walk. Self-initiated locomotion during everyday activity consists of immense amounts of variable, time-distributed, error-filled practice. From infants' first steps and continuing unabated over the next year, infants walk in short bursts of activity (not continual steps), follow curved (not straight) paths, and take steps in every direction (not only forward)-all the while, accompanied by frequent falls as infants push their limits (rather than a steady decrease in errors) and explore their environments. Thus, development ensures tremendous variability-some imposed by physical growth, caregivers, and a changing environment outside infants' control, and some self-generated by infants' spontaneous behavior. The end result of such massive variability is a perceptual-motor system adept at change. Thus, infants do not learn fixed facts about their bodies or environments or their level of walking skill. Instead, they learn how to learn-how to gauge possibilities for action, modify ongoing movements, and generate new movements on the fly from step to step. Simply put, variability in early development is a feature, not a bug. It provides a natural training regimen for successfully navigating complex, ever-changing environments throughout the lifespan. Moreover, observations of infants' natural behavior in natural, cluttered environments-rather than eliciting adult-like behaviors under artificial, controlled conditions-yield very different pictures of what infants of any species do and learn. Over-reliance on traditional tasks that artificially constrain variability therefore risks distorting researchers' understanding of the origins of adaptive behavior.

Gahvora cradling in Tajikistan: Cultural practices and associations with motor development.

In Tajikistan, infants are bound supine in a "gahvora" cradle that severely restricts movement. Does cradling affect motor development and body growth? In three studies (2013-2018), we investigated associations between time in the gahvora (within days and across age) and motor skills and flattened head dimensions in 8-24-month-old Tajik infants (N = 269, 133 girls, 136 boys)) and 4.3-5.1-year-old children (N = 91, 53 girls, 38 boys). Infants had later motor onset ages relative to World Health Organization standards and pronounced brachycephaly; cradling predicted walk onset age and the proficiency of sitting, crawling, and walking. By 4-5 years, children's motor skills were comparable with US norms. Cultural differences in early experiences offer a unique lens onto developmental processes and equifinality in development.

"Go, go, go!" Mothers' verbs align with infants' locomotion.

Caregivers often tailor their language to infants' ongoing actions (e.g., "are you stacking the blocks?"). When infants develop new motor skills, do caregivers show concomitant changes in their language input? We tested whether the use of verbs that refer to locomotor actions (e.g., "come," "bring," "walk") differed for mothers of 13-month-old crawling (N = 16) and walking infants (N = 16), and mothers of 18-month-old experienced walkers (N = 16). Mothers directed twice as many locomotor verbs to walkers compared to same-age crawlers, but mothers' locomotor verbs were similar for younger and older walkers. In real-time, mothers' use of locomotor verbs was dense when infants were locomoting, and sparse when infants were stationary, regardless of infants' crawler/walker status. Consequently, infants who spent more time in motion received more locomotor verbs compared to infants who moved less frequently. Findings indicate that infants' motor skills guide their in-the-moment behaviors, which in turn shape the language they receive from caregivers. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: Infants' motor skills guide their in-the-moment behaviors, which in turn shape the language they receive from caregivers. Mothers directed more frequent and diverse verbs that referenced locomotion (e.g., "come," "go," "bring") to walking infants compared to same-aged crawling infants. Mothers' locomotor verbs were temporally dense when infants locomoted and sparse when infants were stationary, regardless of whether infants could walk or only crawl.

Protracted development of motor cortex constrains rich interpretations of infant cognition.

Cognition in preverbal human infants must be inferred from overt motor behaviors such as gaze shifts, head turns, or reaching for objects. However, infant mammals - including human infants - show protracted postnatal development of cortical motor outflow. Cortical control of eye, face, head, and limb movements is absent at birth and slowly emerges over the first postnatal year and beyond. Accordingly, the neonatal cortex in humans cannot generate the motor behaviors routinely used to support inferences about infants' cognitive abilities, and thus claims of developmental continuity between infant and adult cognition are suspect. Recognition of the protracted development of motor cortex should temper rich interpretations of infant cognition and motivate more serious consideration of the role of subcortical mechanisms in early cognitive development.

Autism: The face value of eye contact.

Inattention to faces in clinical assessments is a robust marker for autism. However, a new study distinguishes diagnostic marker from behavioral mechanism, showing that face looking in everyday activity is equally rare in autistic and neurotypical children and not required for joint attention in either group.

The process of learning the designed actions of toys.

Many everyday objects require "hidden" affordances to use as designed (e.g., twist open a water bottle). Previous work found a reliable developmental progression in children's learning of designed actions with adult objects such as containers and zippers-from non-designed exploratory actions, to the basics of the designed action, to successful implementation. Many objects designed for children (e.g., toys) also entail designed actions (e.g., interlocking bricks) but might not require a protracted period of discovery and implementation. We encouraged 12- to 60-month-old children (n = 91) and a comparative sample of 20 adults to play with six Duplo bricks to test whether the developmental progression identified for children's learning of adult objects with hidden affordances holds for a popular toy expressly designed for children. We also examined whether children's moment-to-moment behaviors with Duplo bricks inform on general processes involved in discovery and implementation of hidden affordances. With age, children progressed from non-designed exploratory actions, to attempts to interlock, to success, suggesting that the three-step developmental progression revealed with everyday adult objects broadly applies to learning hidden affordances regardless of object type. Detailing the process of learning (the type and timing of children's non-designed actions and attempts to interlock) revealed that the degree of lag between steps of the progression depends on the transparency of the required actions, the availability of perceptual feedback, and the difficulty of the perceptual-motor requirements. Findings provide insights into factors that help or hinder learning of hidden affordances.

Mothers talk about infants' actions: How verbs correspond to infants' real-time behavior.

Infants learn nouns during object-naming events-moments when caregivers name the object of infants' play (e.g., ball as infant holds a ball). Do caregivers also label the actions of infants' play (e.g., roll as infant rolls a ball)? We investigated connections between mothers' verb inputs and infants' actions. We video-recorded 32 infant-mother dyads for 2 hr at home (13 month olds, n = 16; 18 month olds, n = 16; girls, n = 16; White, n = 23; Asian, n = 2; Black, n = 1; other, n = 1; multiple races, n = 5; Hispanic/Latinx, n = 2). Dyads were predominantly from middle-class to upper middle-class households. We identified each manual verb (e.g., press, shake) and whole-body verb (e.g., kick, go) that mothers directed to infants. We coded whether infants displayed manual and/or whole-body actions during a 6-s window surrounding the verb (i.e., 3 s prior and 3 s after the named verb). Mothers' verbs and infant actions were largely congruent: Whole-body verbs co-occurred with whole-body actions, and manual verbs co-occurred with manual actions. Moreover, half of mothers' verbs corresponded precisely to infants' concurrent action (e.g., infant pressed button as mother said, "Press the button"). In most instances, mothers commented on rather than instigated infants' actions. Findings suggest that verb learning is embodied, such that infants' motor actions offer powerful cues to verb meanings. Furthermore, our approach highlights the value of cross-domain research integrating infants' developing motor and language skills to understand word learning. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Flexibility in action: Development of locomotion under overhead barriers.

Behavioral flexibility-the ability to tailor motor actions to changing body-environment relations-is critical for functional movement. Navigating the everyday environment requires the ability to generate a wide repertoire of actions, select the appropriate action for the current situation, and implement it quickly and accurately. We used a new, adjustable barrier paradigm to assess flexibility of motor actions in 20 17-month-old (eight girls, 12 boys) and 14 13-month-old (seven girls, eight boys) walking infants and a comparative sample of 14 adults (eight women, six men). Most participants were White, non-Hispanic, and middle class. Participants navigated under barriers normalized to their standing height (overhead, eye, chest, hip, and knee heights). Decreases in barrier height required lower postures for passage. Every participant altered their initial walking posture according to barrier height for every trial, and all but two 13-month-olds found solutions for passage. Compared to infants, adults displayed a wider variety of strategies (squat-walking, half-kneeling, etc.), found more appropriate solutions based on barrier height (ducked at eye height and low crawled at knee height), and implemented their solutions more quickly (within 4 s) and accurately (without bumping their heads against the barrier). Infants frequently crawled even when the barrier height did not warrant a low posture, displayed multiple postural shifts prior to passage and thus took longer to go, and often bumped their heads. Infants' improvements were related to age and walking experience. Thus, development of flexibility likely involves the contributions of multiple domains-motor, perception, and cognition-that facilitate strategy selection and implementation. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Real-time processes in the development of action planning.

Across species and ages, planning multi-step actions is a hallmark of intelligence and critical for survival. Traditionally, researchers adopt a "top-down" approach to action planning by focusing on the ability to create an internal representation of the world that guides the next step in a multi-step action. However, a top-down approach does not inform on underlying mechanisms, so researchers can only speculate about how and why improvements in planning occur. The current study takes a "bottom-up" approach by testing developmental changes in the real-time, moment-to-moment interplay among perceptual, neural, and motor components of action planning using simultaneous video, motion-tracking, head-mounted eye tracking, and electroencephalography (EEG). Preschoolers (n = 32) and adults (n = 22) grasped a hammer with their dominant hand to pound a peg when the hammer handle pointed in different directions. When the handle pointed toward their non-dominant hand, younger children ("nonadaptive planners") used a habitual overhand grip that interfered with wielding the hammer, whereas adults and older children ("adaptive planners") used an adaptive underhand grip. Adaptive and nonadaptive children differed in when and where they directed their gaze to obtain visual information, neural activation of the motor system before reaching, and straightness of their reach trajectories. Nonadaptive children immediately used a habitual overhand grip before gathering visual information, leaving insufficient time to form a plan before acting. Our novel bottom-up approach transcends mere speculation by providing converging evidence that the development of action planning depends on a real-time "tug of war" between habits and information gathering and processing.

Infant exuberant object play at home: Immense amounts of time-distributed, variable practice.

Object play yields enormous benefits for infant development. However, little is known about natural play at home where most object interactions occur. We conducted frame-by-frame video analyses of spontaneous activity in two 2-h home visits with 13-month-old crawling infants and 13-, 18-, and 23-month-old walking infants (N = 40; 21 boys; 75% White). Regardless of age, for every infant and time scale, across 10,015 object bouts, object interactions were short (median = 9.8 s) and varied (transitions among dozens of toys and non-toys) but consumed most of infants' time. We suggest that infant exuberant object play-immense amounts of brief, time-distributed, variable interactions with objects-may be conducive to learning object properties and functions, motor skill acquisition, and growth in cognitive, social, and language domains.

Practice and proficiency: Factors that facilitate infant walking skill.

Infant walking skill improves with practice-crudely estimated by elapsed time since walk onset. However, despite the robust relation between elapsed time (months walking) and skill, practice is likely constrained and facilitated by infants' home environments, sociodemographic influences, and spontaneous activity. Individual pathways are tremendously diverse in the timing of walk onset and the trajectory of improvement, and presumably, in the amount and type of practice. So, what factors affect the development of walking skill? We examined the role of months walking, walk onset age, spontaneous locomotor activity, body dimensions, and environmental factors on the development of walking skill in two sociodemographically distinct samples (ns = 38 and 44) of 13-, 15-, and 19-month-old infants. Months walking best predicted how well infants walked, but environmental factors and spontaneous activity explained additional variance in walking skill. Specifically, less crowded homes, a larger percentage of time in spontaneous walking, and a smaller percentage of short walking bouts predicted more mature walking. Walk onset age differed by sample but did not affect walking skill. Findings indicate that elapsed time since walk onset remains a robust predictor of walking skill, but environmental factors and spontaneous activity also contribute to infants' practice, thereby affecting walking skill.

(Hyper)active Data Curation: A Video Case Study from Behavioral Science.

Video data are uniquely suited for research reuse and for documenting research methods and findings. However, curation of video data is a serious hurdle for researchers in the social and behavioral sciences, where behavioral video data are obtained session by session and data sharing is not the norm. To eliminate the onerous burden of post hoc curation at the time of publication (or later), we describe best practices in active data curation-where data are curated and uploaded immediately after each data collection to allow instantaneous sharing with one button press at any time. Indeed, we recommend that researchers adopt "hyperactive" data curation where they openly share every step of their research process. The necessary infrastructure and tools are provided by Databrary-a secure, web-based data library designed for active curation and sharing of personally identifiable video data and associated metadata. We provide a case study of hyperactive curation of video data from the Play and Learning Across a Year (PLAY) project, where dozens of researchers developed a common protocol to collect, annotate, and actively curate video data of infants and mothers during natural activity in their homes at research sites across North America. PLAY relies on scalable standardized workflows to facilitate collaborative research, assure data quality, and prepare the corpus for sharing and reuse throughout the entire research process.